Could socialism work in Canada?
NEWS FOR GERMAN SOCIALISTS IN ENGLAND
Published for the information of Social Democratic refugees
No. 85/86 - 1946
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Message from the British Workers' Party to the SPD
The British Labor Party sends brotherly greetings to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. The courage and determination that your comrades have shown in building a vigorous and independent party for democratic socialists fills us with admiration and has done much to restore confidence in the German working class, which had suffered seriously through 14 years of Nazism.
Not only did the German Social Democrats receive greetings and messages of encouragement from the Workers' Party of England at their first free May celebration after the Hitler dictatorship, but friends and comrades from all over the world have addressed our comrades in their homeland with words of appreciation, friendship and loyalty . Some of the ones that have become known to us so far
international greetings to the SPD
come from the German Labor Delegation, New York (Gerhart Seger, Rud. Katz, Friedr. Stampfer etc.); the Partij van de Arbeid, Holland; the German American Congress for Democracy, USA; the Social Democratic Federation, USA (Algernon Lee); the "NEW LEADER", New York (Bohn, Dallin); Relief for the German Victims of Nazism (AWA-New York, M. Juchacz, Wollenberg, etc.); the Social Democratic Party of Denmark (Hedthoft-Hansen); the Workers Welfare Committee, Chicago (Snell, Busch); the Social Democratic Federation of Illinois (Pesch, Kissling); the Alberta Federation of Labor, Canada; the national group Bolivia of the SPD (Schumacher, Gross); of the Sudeten German colony in Tupper, Canada (Willi Wanka, Hans Dill); the trades
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and Labor Council, Canada; of the Icelandic social democracy, Reykjavik; by the leader of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, Goldwell, House of Commons, Canada; the Swedish Social Democratic Workers' Party (P. Albin Hansson and Sven Andersson); the editors of the "Deutsche Blätter", Chile, Udo Rukser and Albert Theile and the "Association of German Social Democrats in Great Britain" (Wilh. Sander, Walt [er] Fliess).
A number of former Social Democratic members of the Reichstag and Landtag, editors, ministers and top functionaries of the German labor movement have sent May messages to the comrades in Germany, which will certainly attract a lot of attention as a sign of solidarity and encouragement in the new party press at home and in the May celebrations . So far we have heard of the greetings from the following comrades: Siegfried Aufhäuser, New York; William Sollmann, Reed College, USA; Eric Rinner, New York; Albert Grzesinski, New York; Toni Channel, Washington; Karl Raloff, Copenhagen; Hugo Heimann, New York; Friedrich Tamper, People's Daily, New York; Hans dill, Br. Columbia, Canada; Ernst Reuter, University of Political Science, Ankara; Bertha Jourdan, South Rhodesia, and Kurt Heinig, Stockholm.
Resolution of German Social Democrats in London
At a very well attended meeting of German Social Democrats in London on April 19, 1946, after an impressive lecture by Comrade Dr. Rich. Lowenthal about "The world powers and their no man's land" welcomed the May message of the leadership of the "Association" with lively approval. This London embassy is called:
"After a break of fourteen years, the German Social Democrats are celebrating their May Day celebrations in freedom and with their own goals. We at the" Association of German Social Democrats in Great Britain "send you brotherly greetings on this occasion.
Economic chaos and moral decline may not have bottomed out in Germany; What is certain, however, is that the hardships of our time cannot be mastered without a strong, internally free social democracy.
You have a difficult task ahead of you: on the economic, cultural and political rubble field a peaceful, democratic, socialist and
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to build some Germany. Wherever the socialist organization of public life in the national and international framework is taken seriously, the hope for a better future will also shine, without which re-education and democratization will only remain slogans.
With our greetings, we combine the vow not only to participate in your fate in an inner bond, but to help you as best we can and to use our special position here to work with you to ensure that German social democracy regains a place in the international community the socialist receives. We will help wherever we can work for our brave comrades. Long live German social democracy!
Wilhelm Sander, Walter Flow, Chairman.
Gerhard Gleissberg, Hans Fear of God, Paul pagan, Rudolf Möller-Dostali, Heinz Putzrath, Fritz Segall, Heinrich Care, Gustav Sprewitz and Kurt Weckel, Members of the management. "
The Labor Party parliamentary group
decided after a report by their member Gordon Walkerto call on the Executive of the Labor Party to support the German Social Democrats in their demand for complete freedom of organization and propaganda. A Reuter telegram explains: "This is a turning point in the development of the Labor Party's policy towards German social democracy. It is the first official party recognition since the war of the need to support like-minded movements in Germany Will take shape: Demanding equal opportunities for the Berlin SPD, which has spoken out against a merger; acceleration of a constructive policy of economic reform and social justice in the British zone and closer ties with the social democrats of the western zones ... "
May celebration 1946
Saturday, d. May 4, 1946 at 5.30 p.m. in London, S.W.1, Denison Hall, 296, Vauxhall Bridge Rd. (Victoria Station). Organized jointly by AW London, the "Association of German Social Democrats" and the "Trust Community of Sudeten German Social Democrats".
- Music - speeches - recitations - programs with all functionaries for sh 1 / -.
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For the independent and self-employed SPD
Under this title, Dr. Kurt Schumacher wrote a description in which he deals with the "Socialist Unity Party" [SEP], which will be celebrated in the Russian-occupied zones of Germany on May 1st as now created. In this representation it says among other things:
"... If people in the world are talking so much about the democratization of Germany, then the strength of the relationship between the KP and the SPD in the Eastern Zone would first have to be determined through elections. Now the communists come with the moral claim to parity and the practical consequence imparity in their favor. But this united party will not work because the social democratic workers do not want to be led communist. If there were a free and secret choice between the new SEP and bourgeois opponents, the bourgeoisie would in itself be bankrupt achieve a huge political victory and the new unity party could only sample a fraction of the votes that the SPD could otherwise count for itself.
But we are of the opinion that there will be no such elections. The tendency of the current development goes on that Unity party, perhaps on the preliminary detour via a unified list, in which the communists would then be the determining factor.
That would be the end of democracy in the eastern zone of occupation. You can only choose between several, in principle, equal factors.
The principle of the single party and the single list is the principle of the totalitarian and authoritarian state. This principle must prevail, because the CP is a faithful imitation of the Bolsheviks. Lenin called the "professional revolutionaries or the revolutionary bureaucracy" the driving wedge of the whole movement. The people, and in this case the Social Democratic supporters, who are not used to this degree of will to power and dishonesty, are in the eyes of such power people nothing more than a dull, formless mass that supposedly does not get beyond the interests of everyday life.
The 'conscious minority' of the Communist Party has absolute rule over the masses, even if
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it is granted more or less democratically framed forms. The optimists in a SEP will not be able to assert themselves against a hierarchical apparatus, because this apparatus is deliberately managed by eliminating the social democratic elements.
The Communist Party is currently a party of the cadres. Its principle is 'the right choice of people and control of the implementation'. Like Lenin on the XI. Russian Party Congress said: "We have entered a stage where the crux of the situation is in the people, in the choice of people. ' And Stalin said at the XVII Party Congressthat good resolutions and declarations are necessary, but do not mean victory:
"After a correct line has been drawn, the success of the cause depends on the organizational work, on the organization of the struggle for the implementation of the Party's line, on the correct selection of the governing bodies.
A party that regards power as the very core and substance of politics, and concentrating all their strength on the education and commitment of suitable people, must prevail over benevolent optimists who have to make their policy with the methods of a democratic club life. In addition, behind this centrally organized policy of piracy lies the tremendous power of a victorious people with their corresponding political apparatus, and that this victorious power is in the country. Only the courage to maintain a political distance and the assistance of international democracy help here.
The Social Democratic Party in the three western zones will not be seriously threatened by these dangers. It is determined to maintain its independence domestically and its independence in terms of foreign policy. She would be sentenced to death if she went the way of the SEP. If it were to open up such a 'Socialist Unity Party' together with the communists, then it would have to deal with the bourgeois factors, which were given equal rights by the occupying powers, in free and secret elections. That would mean that this united party would be infinitely weaker than the SPD alone before. The position of the worker would be economically, socially [and] politically worsened.
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The Socialist Unity Party in the western zones is nothing but that Continuation of the Communist Party under a different name. Certainly we are ready for objective cooperation with any party willing to build. After trying to conquer social democracy in the Eastern Zone by means of dishonesty and the most brutal terror, we will have to be prepared for the fact that, under our other circumstances, this attempt will also be made here with means of the same moral and political quality.
That is why there are no compromises, but rejection of the SEP and the development of an independent and independent Social Democratic Party in the western zones, which is so big and strong that all creators see it as their unity party."
The Berlin SPD against the synchronization
The overwhelming majority of the Berlin SPD was represented at the Berlin district party conference on April 7th, which rejected conformity with the KPD and broke away from the ZA. Among the delegates were also delegates from circles in the Russian sector. Köpenick and Treptow were not represented. The separation from the ZA and the election of a new district board took place unanimously.
After the conference, delegates from the Russian sector were called in by the Russians for questioning, and strong pressure was exerted on them. You have to be prepared for further unpleasant consequences for those involved. The old district executive, which had been brought into line, was organizationally faced with a field of rubble after this district conference. The "people" had to publish a new address list for the district leaders on Wednesday, from which everyone could see that the district executive, which had been brought into line, was forced to fill all 20 districts with new members. The moral impact of the Berlin action among the SPD members is extraordinarily strong. The comrades all feel as if they have regained political freedom for the first time in 13 years. Nevertheless, the SPD has to reckon with great difficulties in Berlin: The new district secretariat is still in its infancy, and there is still no newspaper of its own. Nevertheless, all SPD comrades work with great enthusiasm and are very optimistic!
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The German problem in the English press
With increasing attention and concern, the English press takes a stand on the most diverse problems in Germany, recognizing more and more clearly that the German crisis is growing into an English and European crisis. We would like to bring some serious voices of late to the attention of our readers, partly in extracts. The big liberal paper "Manchester Guardian" writes in the editorial of April 12, 1946:
"The German food crisis is also a political crisis for England. There is not a single British administrator in Germany, whether military or civilian, who does not recognize the seriousness of the situation we are facing in the coming months, if not a year . Because with the occupation of Germany we have been burdened with an alarmingly great responsibility. It is not just a matter of a military occupation, with a few troops at strategic points here and there. We are the government of our zone in Germany. We have every detail of the We regulate the political parties, trade unions and the press. We organize education. We create a German bureaucracy and police that are under our authority. We decide which factories are open and how many workers are available We own the huge coal and iron industry e. We are the rulers of Germany even more completely than the Nazis ever were. If Germany falls into desperation of hunger, if its economy does not flourish again, if its spiritual nihilism becomes even blacker, then we will bear the responsibility for it in the eyes of Germany and the world. We cannot escape it. As for food, Germany may have been a victim of the world crisis, but while the historian may acquit us one day, contemporary history will not. Britain will be judged according to the fate of her defeated wards.
The British people must recognize that their fate is now linked to that of Germany. In a sense, we are doing something in Germany that is similar to our great past experiments in the British Empire. We send our administrators there (not always in
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very fortunate way), we proclaim politics (sometimes very confused) for a population half the size of our own. If our treatment of Germany leads to unbearable confusion, then it is not only the Germans who suffer, turn around and revile us; then we will have our greatest failure as an administrative power. It is a political test comparable to that of the thirteen American colonies and India. But with one difference:
Germany is at our door. The political and economic deterioration of Europe also means our own deterioration. The British government must therefore give priority to the German problem. It must not, as it often seems to be the case now, treat it as a subordinate departmental matter split between the one 'Ugly Duckling Ministry' and the army, but as something of vital importance. The Minister for Germany must have a higher status in the Cabinet Council. His advice must not be crushed by the voice of the food minister or the lack of adaptability of the finance ministry. We cannot afford to take any chances here; in the fight against hunger and collapse in Germany we must not shy away from anything.
There is one more thing that all responsible administrators in Germany agree on - the folly of the recent Berlin Agreement on Germany's Economic Future.It is impracticable, but worse than that, it is itself directly contributing to the German crisis. Everything we try to do as rulers of our zone is made infinitely harder and perhaps impossible. Germany needs two things: food and hope. Food is the basis, because without enough food there can be no coal on which Germany's life depends. But if food is secured (it is not yet secured) then there must be hope of being able to live with self-respect and decent economic well-being. We must never forget that Germany has a greater physical reconstruction task ahead of it than any country. No civilized people has ever faced a greater physical reconstruction effort than Germany if it continued to be civilized
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should. We have no hope of ever seeing it develop into a peaceful democracy unless we give it a chance to recover. The Berlin Agreement denies all of this. At least in the British Zone, with its vast urban areas, it makes impossible the revival of the industries on which German economic life was based; it condemns millions to permanent unemployment and to unlearning their skills in the ruins of their cities. And all because of a lack of political courage. What are you afraid of? Before that German capitalism could be revived and its cartels could come back? But surely the world has learned enough from the technique of collectivization to be able to prevent that. Most people agree that the new Germany almost inevitably has to be a socialist Germany, that its energies are too destroyed to be saved by anyone other than the state (or its international equivalent). The British Government should move forward on this basis. It should refuse to let the Berlin Agreement destroy its economic program for Germany. It should boldly adhere to the principles that it considers good enough for Britain, directly encouraging the socialist parties and trade unions, and actively extending democratic responsibility to the Germans. In other words, it should be just as positive in its economic and social policy in Germany as it is in its immediate food policy. The two things belong together. Nothing else offers a chance to help the Germans - and thus ourselves - to withstand the strong political currents that threaten to sweep Europe from the East. And food comes first. "
"The German crisis"The most important English business newspaper" THE ECONOMIST "publishes a series of articles under this title. Members of the editorial team who are in Germany or have just returned are trying to draw conclusions from the political crisis that is now taking place in Germany The first chapter deals with the English administration in Germany, the second with the problem of coal and steel production in the Ruhr area.
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Chapters four and five deal with the reparations plan. We bring the following excerpts about this problem: "... On March 28, 1946, the Allied Control Council in Berlin announced the 'Plan for reparations and the post-war level of the German economy', on which the four occupying powers had finally agreed. The plan is intended as an implementation of the main features of the Allied economic policy in Germany, as formulated at the Potsdam Conference. According to the Potsdam decisions, the plan should have been worked out by February 2. Disagreements in the Allied Control Council, first about the level of the other industries (especially chemical) delayed the agreement by almost two months.
The general nature of the plan was determined by the intended tendency to restrict the Potsdam resolutions. But the negotiations took the usual form of a 'dialectical' clash of opposing interpretations of an adopted and inviolable text. In the beginning, the English interpretation was the utmost indulgence, the Russian and French views the utmost in terms of the most severely restrictive tendency, while the Americans strove for the golden mean. In the further course the Americans often went further in their opposition to the throttling tendency than the English. The plan is a means of these opposing tendencies, a halfway coincidence of the original extremes.
The guiding principles of the plan are:
a) the elimination of the German war potential and the industrial disarmament of Germany,
b) the payment of reparations,
c) the development of agriculture and peaceful industries,
d) bringing the German standard of living back to the European average and
e) the maintenance of sufficient resources in Germany to enable it to sustain itself without outside assistance.
Before proceeding to a more in-depth analysis of the plan, it is clear that the main principles are not entirely in agreement. Germany's industrial disarmament diminishes both its ability to pay reparations and its ability to restrict peaceful industries and foreign trade
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To bring up a level at which it could do without outside help.
The plan is based on the following requirements:
a) that Germany's population does not exceed 66.5 million in 1949 (the year in which German industries are to reach the maximum permitted limit),
b) that Germany is treated as a single economic entity and
c) that Germany will find a market for its exports.
Failure to meet these requirements, or any of them, may render the plan unusable or require it to be revised. The English negotiators have looked at the wording of these reservations in the joint plan with great care. In a special declaration they added a few other points, such as the requirement that Germany's western borders remain unchanged and that a German central administration be set up. These reservations can take away the final character of the plan and give rise to a number of new interpretative discussions. ...
The present practical importance of the plan consists in the fact that it provides the basis for finding out what is known as the industrial excess capacity, that is, the size of the industrial facilities which are to be recorded for reparation purposes. Although most industries are unlikely to reach their established levels of production before 1949, the removal of 'surplus' industrial equipment from Germany will begin fairly early if the plan is carried out.
It is estimated that the overall effect of the plan would be to lower the level of industry as a whole to about 50 or 55 percent of the pre-war level i. J. 1938 (excluding construction and building materials industries) will be. This degradation affects different industries to different degrees ...
... To sum up, it can be said without exaggeration that the agreement on the level of German industry is a plan to paralyze and impoverish. It is negative, restrictive and fundamentally impracticable. One can only hope that it will quickly find its place where it belongs: in the archives of the Allied Control Council ... "The last chapter draws practical conclusions from the above analysis of the German situation, which we will bring to the next SM .
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A German diary
Kingsley Martin, the editor of "STATESMAN AND NATION", wrote on April 20th: "The insignificant incident of my brief arrest by the police in the Russian sector of Berlin (which has been reported in various ways in the English press) is only worth describing for this reason because it sheds light on the current situation of the four-part occupation of Berlin. Since I wanted to know more about the way people live in the shell of Berlin, I wandered down to the Alexanderplatz district, accompanied by Mr. Short, the editor of one of the German newspapers in the Russian zone, and Heinrich Frankelwho had studied education in Germany. We went to a cafe and ordered what in the old days is called beer - the only thing you can buy in a German cafe. Frankel and I were in the uniform of war correspondents. Russian soldiers sat there with their girls. I saw one of them fill a glass from a liquor bottle that he had hidden in his coat pocket. Shortly afterwards this soldier or policeman - I was unable to determine his rank or office - came to our table and greeted us. We shook hands; Englishmen and Russians good comrades, etc. When we wanted to go, he asked for our papers, and since he was unable to read them, he took us to a German police station. Since he had a rapid-fire rifle on his back, and since it was the Russian Zone, there was little point in arguing about it. In addition, Frankel had left his papers at home. The next two hours were difficult. The investigation was once interrupted by the arrival of an excited man arrested for trafficking with many others. The police were German, extremely polite and eager to help us talk to our friends on the phone. The Russian was hampered by the fact that he did not understand either English or German and was constantly anxious to assert his authority. The German police convinced the Russian that Kurtz and my papers were in order. Kurtz was released and went out to organize help for us.
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Of course, I refused to go until Frankel's case was clarified. The Russian insisted that Frankel had to go to the Russian police with him, but seemed disturbed by my persistence with which I assured that Frankel was my comrade and that I had to go too. I had given him a packet of cigarettes, worth a shilling or two to me, but quoted on the current Berlin stock exchange for £ 6 or half a pound of surreptitious butter. The discussion in German gibberish continued on the street. I tried not to lose Frankel without papers at a Russian police station, of which I did not even know the address. I made it very clear to the Russian that he would be inconvenienced if the English officer with whom I had spoken on the phone came to take us home. On one occasion he took this as an insult, pointed to the rapid-fire rifle he was holding in front of him and explained that there were six million Russian soldiers, etc. Finally he walked away, and Frankel and I returned to a conversation with the German police about their difficulties. Half an hour later an impressive English rescue team came, led by a brigade leader, and it was perhaps something of an unexpected surprise for them to find us free and on good terms with the German police.
In itself, this incident is quite insignificant. The Russian's complaint, as far as I can judge from his few broken words in German, was that we were 'looking around too much'. I think that means we watched him pour booze from a surreptitious bottle. Almost everyone is in the surreptitious trade, including of course the Russian soldiers. (The English part of the surreptitious trade is different. With cigarettes of this fantastic value, many English soldiers sell their cigarette rations for marks and save their wages and send home some things that they acquire illegally.) The Russian policeman had a right to take ours Looking at papers and confirming Frankel's identity when his papers were not shown. Incidents of this kind would not matter at all if it weren't for the fact that the Russian kidnapping is still going on and that people arrested for questioning can be told by their friends.
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never to be seen again. Not everyone arrested by the police is in the fortunate position of calling an English brigadier general.
As for Russian behavior in general, it is undoubtedly an exaggeration, a holdover from the first days of indiscriminate robbery and rape. When examining the methods used to achieve the amalgamation of communists and social democrats in Berlin, the following factors must be cited:
First of all, many German socialists, although afraid of the Russians, want a single party. You remember how the earlier split between communists and socialists helped Hitler gain power. Second, they are used to a totalitarian system and are not surprised to find that rations and employment sometimes depend on joining the right party. Third, the Russians undoubtedly intimidated some of the social democratic leaders enough to accept the union. They take turns flattering and threatening, and I was told that the social democratic leaders who agreed to the merger were given cars and special food packages afterwards ... "
(from a letter from Erich Ollenhauers)
"... Our flight from Bückeburg to Gatow near Berlin only took 70 minutes. Fritz arrived at 4 o'clock in the afternoon Heine and I in Wilmersdorf ... During the 5 days of our stay with the Berliners, we lived like the Berliners. We got our ration cards for 6 days, we were freezing like Berliners in their apartments, because it was lousy April weather, we washed and shaved cold, we were happy about every cigarette we could find and were happy when we did yesterday At 1 o'clock in the night with thin tea from Mrs. S. each had 2 cigarettes rolled, which she filled with the carefully stored cigarette ends. We thought it was a feast when we received a potato salad made from real potatoes yesterday at Ms. G.'s lunch, enough to eat our fill and with half a herring for everyone who made up the meat ration for the week. We didn't find it exciting when once again electricity
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was blocked, [we] had no radio or suddenly found ourselves in the dark again. We sat together on two evenings with friends in Britz and Tempelhof who were even able to give all of their guests a cup of tea and in one case were even able to pass around a piece of dry white bread. We have found that dried potatoes, which are now being supplied as a substitute for fresh ones, taste very good if only steamed and not cooked. If the conversation went on too long and it got too cold, you put on your coat and pretended nothing was there. The above-mentioned potatoes were a donation from the mother who raised 65 pounds on a three-day long walk and happily escaped being checked by the Russians, who collect the potatoes that had been potatoes because they used them to make fuel. You have to take the risk now, because a hundredweight costs up to 1,000 marks on the black market.
We had a car available for the 5 days of our stay because that was the only way we could do our program. Trams, subways and suburban trains run, but they are overcrowded, you have to change trains very often and it takes hours to get from one end to the other. We saw so much of Berlin.
Much is terribly sad. The destruction is the worst I've seen so far. There's nothing like it in London. We weren't in the Russian sector, especially not in Friedrichshain, in Lichtenberg and in the whole of East. But that is enough.
We walked through the area around Hallescher Tor as if paralyzed. The Hallesche Tor is no longer there. There isn't a single house from Gitschiner Strasse to the corner of Lindenstrasse. Lindenstrasse is a dead street. The Forward House is still standing, but it is burned out and lies in a world of deadly silence. Belle Alliance place 6/8 is simply no longer there. Friedrichstrasse is a single field of rubble that is still closed to all traffic today. Stresemannstrasse from Hallesches Tor to Potsdamer Platz is like an abandoned village street, and the houses that border it are nothing but ruins. There isn't a single undamaged building between Anhalter Bahnhof and Potsdamer Bahnhof. Everything breathes horror and death. Friedrich-Ebertstrasse from Potsdamer Platz to the Brandenburg Gate is in ruins.
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Where the Tiergarten used to be, there is a wide plain, without trees or bushes, only strewn with rubble, from which here and there an equestrian statue of Siegesallee protrudes like a phantom. As far as the view extends, far behind the big star, only emptiness and traces of the struggle. On the Republic Square, in front of the Reichstag, which is now just an empty shell, the Berliners were just in the process of preparing their allotment gardens ...
Well, 3 million Berliners live in this city that is simply no longer there, and today this city is the liveliest and most exciting city in all of Central Europe. Everything is in motion and you can literally feel the great tension that fills these people. It is the incredible will to live of the Berliners and the international character that the city has adopted, which rule everything. You have to be there to understand why people who want to keep in touch with world affairs cannot separate and prefer to accept the whole misery of need. You are sad when you see and experience the city again, and you are even sadder when you have to leave it again. You leave with sadness and guilt that you are not there and that you are leaving her alone right now. Maybe these are all just our subjective impressions, caused by the sudden and unexpected contact with so many people who are close to you and are so much to you! ...
I will never forget the functionaries' meeting on Thursday (April 11th) evening in the Hasenheide. Only 48 hours were left for preparation and invitation, and more than 1,500 people crowded into the hall. It was the first conference since the liberation of the Berlin party from the nightmare of forced unification. Everyone was still full of joy at the victory over spiritual terror. It was like a party. I spoke in third place, there was always stormy applause and at the end the hall roared. I hadn't said anything exciting at all, just what we were thinking, but afterwards they came and said it was like music. How terribly lonely these people must have felt ... It was the coincidence of the great political event of a real freedom movement of the Berlin Social Democrats and the unheard of personal experience of 'coming home', which was almost unbearable ... "
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SPD short messages
Back to Germany
are at the invitation of the Gen. Hoegner, Waldemar and Julie von Knoeringen. Furthermore, Gen. Walter are going back to Bavaria Fisherman, Leopold Goldschmidt, Karl Höltermann and max Hoffmannin order to take on an editorial position there. Grete Hermann goes from London to Bremen to go to school there.
The social democratic journalist Karl is from Switzerland Gerold to Frankfurt a. M. where he was the fourth licensee and editor in the
Frankfurter Rundschau entry. For many weeks a one-sided communist tendency of the "Frankfurter Rundschau" has been observed more and more. In the deliberations of the Frankfurt citizenship, disconcerting was also expressed. The editors Arno Rudert, Wilhelm Karl Gerst and Emil Carlebach gave the paper, which was originally run by non-partisans, such a strong communist tendency that this one-sidedness also aroused amazement abroad. Another social-democratic editor is soon to join the editorial team.
The "Forward" in Berlin,
the original central organ of German social democracy has not been forgotten by the Berliners and is very much respected as an important link to the old tradition of the Berlin workers. Now a battle has broken out over this name. The Berlin Social Democrats, who are against the forced unification, planned to name their newspaper "VORWAERTS". The communists quickly renamed their magazine "UNIT" to "Forward".
New Berlin SPD district executive.
The Berlin Social Democrats held a district conference on April 7, at which all 20 districts of the non-Russian districts were represented. It was decided to elect a district board independent of the central committee, the Franz Neumann, Karl Germer and Kurt Swolinzki belong. Dr. Rudolf Wissell gave the welcome speech. Paul Praise has meanwhile also spoken out against the forced unification between communists and social democrats. The Bavarian Prime Minister Dr. Högner has spoken out against the forced union. The state party congress of the SP in Bavaria also adopted a resolution against the merger.
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Small inquiries in the lower house
minister Hynd noted (on April 8) that over 200 Denazification Chambers be educated or in the process of being formed in the British Zone. These chambers were made up of Germans and showed a well-placed sense of responsibility and keen interest in their work. In about a month or so he will be better able to report on the progress of these facilities.
After the youngest State of the development of the free trade unions questioned in Germany, said Minister Hynd among other things, states that union development is based on principles recognized by the Allied Control Council. In the British zone, the first trade union zone conference took place in Hanover on March 12th and 13th, where it was decided to form four provincial organizing committees and one zone organizing committee, which are now appearing in large numbers along with the different ones that have emerged Unions should deal with problems arising.
In answer to one from Sir Arthur Salter Minister asked Hynd (on April 1st) found that 10 million people in the British Zone did not exceed 1014 calories Food consumption would have.
The daily rations for displaced persons in UNRRA camps in Germany (meeting on March 19, 46): 1,850 (plus Red Cross parcels) for normal DPs; 2,400 calories for those who do moderate labor and 2,600 calories for those who do heavy manual labor.
Whether the earlier Sachsenhausen concentration camp and Beech forest have been closed, the government could not say (on March 27, 46), since the two places are not in the British zone ...
Foreign Minister Bevin stated (on March 13, 46) that it was not possible to use the Geneva Convention in the case of German prisoners of war to be followed in every respect, since it was a situation that had never been considered beforehand. However, the government is trying to follow the spirit of the convention. There is no longer any protective power for German prisoners of war.
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Addresses of the SPD district party secretariats
1 Schleswig-Holstein district:
Wilhelm Kuklinski, Kiel,
2 Hamburg district:
Karl Meitmann, Hamburg 36
3 District Bremen-Northwest:
4 Hanover district:
Egon Franke, Hanover-Linden,
5 Braunschweig district:
Ewald Gerrich, Braunschweig,
6 District of Eastern Westphalia:
Emil Gross, Bielefeld,
7 District of Western Westphalia:
8 Lower Rhine district:
Ernst Gnoss, Düsseldorf,
9 Upper Rhine district:
Robert Görlinger, Cologne-Sülz,
10 District Hessen-Kassel:
Hans Braunholz, Kassel
11 District Hessen-Frankfurt:
Willi Knothe, Frankfurt a.M.
12 Württemberg-Baden district:
Max Denker, Stuttgart-W.,
13 District Upper Palatinate-Lower Bavaria:
14 District of Upper and Middle Franconia:
15 District of Lower Franconia:
basement, cellar, Würzburg,
16 District of Swabia:
Augsburg (no address received).
17 District Upper Bavaria:
Hans Roith, Munich (13b),
18 Rhineland-Koblenz-Trier district:
19 Rhineland-Mainz district:
Friday, Mainz, Kreyssigstr. 4th
20 District Palatinate:
Franz Bögler, Neustadt a.d. Haardt,
21 Saar district:
Franz Faith, Saarbrücken,
-- -- -- -- -- -- --
[Original page:] - 20 -
The return migration to Germany
can only be done very slowly, entry permits are only issued individually by the responsible military authorities. The hopes of some illusionists for special trains or ships to be issued have proven to be nonsensical. Our previous attitude that the decisive measures must be taken from within has proven to be absolutely correct.
Hans Fear of God, who is currently in Germany and on behalf of the TUC is discussing the question of the return of our colleagues with the responsible authorities and trade union offices, has so far announced that there is a great willingness to take back colleagues who have emigrated and to accommodate them appropriately through repatriation to Germany this also applies to colleagues who cannot or do not want to return to their original home. However, it has been rightly asserted that the state of union life, the spatial and other working conditions make it impossible to remotely issue definitive guarantees or even to say exactly in which functions the individual may be used. The fact that more functions are available to everyone than a human being can perform does not need to be mentioned. It is the wish of the trade union offices etc. in Germany that all returnees have one Write a detailed description of their life and their qualificationswhich are to be submitted to the competent authorities in Germany. Since the use in Germany is not definitely in trade union work (many returnees want to work in political party work, in school, health, welfare service, in municipal or state administration), information about party affiliation is also required.
Comrade Wilh. Sander is expected during the party congress of the SPD from 8.-11. May be in Hanover and during this time with the various agencies discuss the question of the possibility of return with our party friends in the various agencies and then send further communications to our party comrades in emigration. The work initiated so far is continuing.
Issued by the London Representative of the SPD,
33, Fernside Avenue, London N.W. 7. Tel: Mil1 Hill 3915
1 - Morgan W. Phillips (1902-1963), miner, 1944-1961 General Secretary of the Labor Party (successor to J.S. Middleton), 1951-1957 President of the Socialist International.
2 - The Labor Party (PvdA) was formed on 9 February 1946 through the merger of the former SDAP with parts of Christian parties and a Catholic resistance group.
3 - William E. Bohn was director of the Rand School and editor of the temporary central body of the American Socialist Party ("The New Leader", see SM 8, Apr. 18, 1940, note 17), whose editorial office was temporarily the Rand School. In addition to Thomas Mann and others, W. Bohn was a member of a committee for the political education of German prisoners of war in the USA.
4 - David Dallin (1889-1962), political scientist, publicist and writer of Russian origin, arrested as a student under the Tsar, exile 1911-1917, return to Russia in 1917, opposition member of the Moscow Soviet, exile again in 1921: Germany, Poland and France , from 1940 in the USA, wrote a weekly column for "The New Leader" for years.
5 - No biographical information could be determined for Busch, Pesch and Kissling.
6 - Willi Wanka (born 1910), consumer worker, member of the DSAP in the CSR since 1929, 1935-1938 on the DSAP board, 1938 exile in Great Britain, from 1939-1955 worked as a farmer in Canada, 1956-1975 administrative director of a hospital or a clinic.
7 - confusion? A national trade union confederation with this name could not be proven. There were two major trade union confederations in Canada in 1946: the Trades and Labor Congress (TLC) and the Canadian Congress of Labor (CCL).
8 - It is probably the Social Democratic Party (Albyduflokkur) founded in 1916.
9 - Founded in 1932 as the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (Farmer Labor Socialist), an association of western Canadian trade unionists, farmers and socialists, which was shaped by the ideas of Fabianism and Christian socialism.
10 - "Goldwell": Major James Coldwell (born 1888), a native Canadian, 1934-1937 Secretary General of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, 1938-1942 Chairman of the CCF, from 1935 Member of the Canadian Parliament (House of Commons).
11 - Sven Andersson (born 1910), joiner, 1933-1935 teacher at the Workers 'Education Association in Gothenburg, from 1935 social democratic secretary for the Gothenburg district, 1948-1951 secretary of the social democratic workers' party, four years member of the Reichstag, 1948-1971 member of I. Chamber (Council of State), 1948-1976 minister with various areas of responsibility, including foreign policy 1973-1976.
12 - Udo Rukser (1892-1971), lawyer, journalist in the Weimar Republic, after 1933 farmer, 1938 emigration to Chile, 1943-1946 with Albert Theile (sd) editor of the "Deutsche Blätter" published in Chile (subtitle: for a European Germany - against a German Europe), which are described in the literature as a bourgeois-conservative cultural magazine. Expatriated under the name Eduard Udo Ruckser in March 1944, political contacts of the circle around the "Deutsche Blätter" and others. zur Sopade in London, after the end of the war organization of aid campaigns for Germany, from 1946 active as a writer and farmer in Chile.
13 - Albert Theile (born 1904), art historian and newspaper scholar, university lecturer and journalist, radio worker, 1933 emigration from Germany: Norway, France, India, China, Japan, USA, Norway, from 1940 in Chile, 1952 to Switzerland.
14 - Hugo Heimann (1859-1951), bookseller and publisher, well known to August Bebel, 1908-1910 SPD member of the Prussian House of Representatives, 1919-1932 SPD member of the National Assembly and the Reichstag, emigrated to the USA via the UK in 1939 .
15 - Bertha Jourdan (1892 - 1981), from 1913 special education teacher in Frankfurt a. M., 1917 joined the SPD, 1924-1928 city councilor in Frankfurt, 1928-1933 SPD-MdL Prussia, 1933-1939 head of a private school for Jewish children, 1939 emigration to Rhodesia, worked there as a special education teacher from 1942-1963, 1969 return to Frankfurt , active again in the SPD.
16 - So a comment from the British news agency Reuters Ltd.
17 - Bibliographically identified neither as an independent publication (brochure) nor as an article. There was also no manuscript for the representation reproduced here in the Kurt Schumacher AdsD inventory.
March 18 / April 1922.
19 - 1934.
20 - Socialist Unity Party / SED: See also SM 82, Jan. 1946, note 3.
21 - In the English original: (Title: A German Diary) "in the shell of Berlin".
22 - Rudolf Kurtz (born 1884), journalist and writer, director at UfA until 1933, 1945-1953 editor-in-chief of "Nacht-Express" (Illustrierte Berliner Abendzeitung), a newspaper that appeared six times a week and was discontinued in 1953.
23 - Waldemar Freiherr von Knoeringen (1906 - 1971), administrative employee, member of the SPD since 1926, librarian in the public library system, 1933 emigrated to Austria, 1934 into the CSR, Sopade border secretary for southern Bavaria, later joined the group Neubeginnen and with Austrian and German socialists working together in this group, emigrated to France in 1938, expatriated, in 1939 to London, interned at the outbreak of war, 1940 ff employee of radio broadcasts for Germany (broadcaster European Revolution, BBC), gave up this position when the Allies in Casablanca had demanded unconditional surrender of Germany, stood in London for the unification of the various German socialist exile groups ("Union"); von Knoeringen was a member of the teaching staff for German prisoners of war in the Wilton Park camp near London. From 1946 significantly involved in the reconstruction of the SPD, 1946-1970 SPD-MdL Bavaria (1950-1958 parliamentary group chairman), 1947-1963 regional chairman of the Bavarian SPD, 1949-1951 MdB, 1958-1962 deputy SPD chairman, one of the authors of the Godesberg program der SPD (1959), expert on social democratic cultural and educational policy.
24 - Walter Fischer (1905 - 1982), locksmith and electrician, joined the SPD in 1922, joined the SAP in 1931, illegal activity after the Nazi seizure of power, escaped to the CSR in 1935 after being discovered by the Gestapo, expatriated in 1937, worked on Czech German-language newspapers In 1938 he went to Norway, where he also worked as a journalist, working with Willy Brandt as part of the SAP exile, escaped to Great Britain in 1940 after the German attack on Norway, interned in Canada from 1940-1941, member of the political office of SAP in exile and advocate of Union". May 1946 return to Germany, member of the SPD, license holder, publisher and editor-in-chief of newspapers close to the SPD in Bayreuth.
25 - Leopold Goldschmidt (1896-1991), journalist and radio employee, DSAP member, 1938 head of the DSAP office in Paris, 1940 to Great Britain, 1943-1945 collaboration with the London Representative of the Sudeten German Refugees, temporarily secretary to Wenzel Jaksch. May 1946 move to Germany, editorial and publishing work for various newspapers (Passau, Munich, Frankfurt a. M.), 1950-1953 leading member of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, 1952-1960 board member of the Jewish community in Frankfurt a. M.
26 - "Hoffmann": Max Moritz Hofmann (1891-1951), printer, 1909 union, 1911 SPD member, from 1919 civil servant in the Saxon Ministry of Labor, from 1924 district chairman in the Reichsbanner Chemnitz, from 1932 member of the RB federal leadership, 1933 Emigration via Denmark to France, 1934/35 managing director of the social democratic publishing house Volksstimme in Saarbrücken, from 1935 back to France, there journalistic participation in various social democratic newspapers in Europe, representative of a social democratic popular front policy, expatriated in 1937, from 1941 in Portugal, there participation in an aid committee , to Great Britain in October 1944. 1946 return to Germany, license holder and publisher of a newspaper in Schweinfurt.
27 - "Grete Hermann": d. i. Grete Henry, née Hermann (born 1901), pedagogue and university professor, member of the ISK and participation in its press organ, after the Nazi takeover, illegal cadre training work, emigrated to Denmark in 1936, from there to Great Britain in 1938, leading member of the ISK group London and on the board of the "Union". After her return to Germany (1946) she played a major role in the establishment of the Bremen University of Education, 1950-1966 professor, from 1947 member of the cultural policy committee of the SPD, 1954-1966 member of the German committee for education and training.
28 - Karl Gerold (1906 - 1973), locksmith, member of the SAJ, SPD and DMV in the Weimar Republic, collaboration in various social democratic newspapers, briefly "protective custody" in 1933, then illegal political activity, in autumn 1935 fled to Basel, also in exile Active as a writer and journalist, participated in the Spanish Civil War, then interned in Switzerland, expatriated by the Germans in April 1940, founder of the Association of German Revolutionary Socialists in 1942, in January 1945 by a Swiss military tribunal for "breach of neutrality" and "intelligence service" combined Year in prison. 1946 return to Germany, 1946-1973 license holder, co-editor and editor-in-chief of the "Frankfurter Rundschau", 1952 left the SPD.
29 - Arno Rudert (1891 - 1954), bookseller and journalist, member of the KPD in the Weimar Republic, forced laborer towards the end of the war. 1945 ff license holder, publisher and editor-in-chief of the "Frankfurter Rundschau", excluded from the KPD in 1947, was later close to the Social Democrats.
30 - Wilhelm Karl Gerst (1887 - 1968), architect, editor-in-chief of the "Hildesheimer Zeitung" newspaper in the Weimar Republic, after 1933 in the Catholic resistance movement and therefore sentenced to 1 1/2 years in prison. 1945-1946 license holder and publisher of the "Frankfurter Rundschau", after license revocation by the American military government later a Bonn employee of GDR newspapers and ADN as well as publisher of his own press correspondence ("WKG-Dienst"), had to oppose the claim of being a communist agent several times be, defend yourself.
31 - Emil Carlebach (born 1914), Abitur in 1932, member of the Socialist Student Union, then of the KJVD, illegally active in a union after the Nazi takeover, lost his position as a commercial apprentice, arrested in 1933, arrested again in 1934 and closed for producing union newspapers Sentenced to 3 years in prison, 1937-1945 in concentration camps (Dachau and Buchenwald). 1945-1947 license holder and co-editor of the "Frankfurter Rundschau", 1946-1950 KPD-MdL Hessen, later editor-in-chief of the weekly newspaper "die tat" for many years, functions in the International Buchenwald Committee and the Association of Victims of the Nazi Regime (VVN).
32 - The development was different. For the "unit" see SM 82, Jan. 1946, note 3.
33 - Franz Neumann (1904-1974), locksmith, joined the DMV in 1919, member of the SAJ in 1920 and later SPD member, 1926-1933 youth welfare officer at the Berlin magistrate, after 1933 illegal activity for the SPD, in 1934 due to "high treason" Sentenced to 1 1/2 years in prison. After the war first chairman of the SPD-Reinickendorf, resolute and prominent opponent of the merger of the SPD and KPD, 1946-1958 regional chairman of the SPD (West) Berlin, 1949-1969 SPD-MdB.
34 - Karl J. Germer, not to be confused with Karl Germer (born 1886), the father of Karl J. Germer. Both had been members of the central committee of the SPD. - Karl Johann Germer (born 1913), commercial clerk (training in publishing discontinued in 1933), member of the SPD in 1932. In March 1946 as an opponent of the planned SPD-KPD merger to form the SED: separation from the ZA of the SPD, 1952 head of the West Berlin department of the Federal Ministry for all-German issues, 1970 resignation from the SPD.
35 - "Kurt Swolinzki": Curt Swolinzky (1887-1967), clerk, since 1919 member of the SPD and managing director of the AfA, SPD functions in Pomerania and Silesia, after "protective custody" from 1933 self-employed businessman in Berlin. Since 1946 SPD member of the Berlin City Council and the House of Representatives.
36 - The conference took place on December 12-14. March 1946 in Hanover.
37 - James Arthur Salter (born 1881), British politician, economist and finance professional, various government offices, 1920-1931 director of the League of Nations Economic and Finance Department, 1937-1950 Independent MP, 1951-1953 Conservative MP, 1944 Deputy Director General of the UNRRA, 1951-1953 Minister in Winston Churchill's 2nd Cabinet.
38 - Displaced Persons; Term for people of foreign nationality or ethnicity who were abducted from their homeland by Germans or their allies during the Second World War, or refugees who were in the former German Reich territory at the end of the war.
39 - Wilhelm Kuklinski (1892-1963), typesetter, 1921-1925 SPD party secretary in Schleswig-Holstein, 1927-1933 Prussian state official, dismissed for political reasons. 1945-1947 district chairman of the SPD Schleswig-Holstein, 1946-1950 MdL, 1946-1949 minister of education in Schleswig-Holstein.
40 - Walter Rother-Romberg (1906 - 1950), commercial clerk, member of the SAJ from 1922, SPD member from 1927, illegal political activity in 1933, in December of this year. J. arrested and sentenced to two years in prison, in 1936 escaped via Prague to France, there secretary of the SPD national association in France, active help for the republican side in the Spanish civil war, first interned in France in 1939, then mobilized in the labor companies of the French army , Arrested several times in 1941 and released again, in the French resistance in 1942 ff. June 1945 return to Germany (Bremen), 1945-1947 District Secretary of the SPD District Association Northwest.
41 - Ewald Gerrich (1901 - 1985), locksmith, later technical employee, DMV member since 1918, SPD member since 1924, then ISK member. 1945-1963 District Secretary of the SPD Braunschweig, SPD-MdL Lower Saxony 1963-1970.
42 - Emil Gross (1904 - 1967), commercial clerk (later studying political science as a highly gifted student without school leaving certificate), full-time SPD employee since 1924, 1933-1941 emigrant in the Netherlands (Amsterdam), there co-editor of the social democratic exile newspaper "Freie Presse" , Expatriated in 1937, arrested in 1941 and sentenced to 2 1/4 years in prison in Dortmund. 1945 provisional SPD district secretary in Ostwestfalen-Lippe, from 1946 member of the relevant district board and the general PV, publishing director and license holder of the "Freie Presse" (Bielefeld), 1946-1967 SPD-MdL NRW.
43 - Heinrich Wenke (1888 - 1961), model carpenter, member of the SPD since 1906, from 1919 editor of the social democratic "Westfälische Allgemeine Volkszeitung" (Dortmund). After the end of the war, ÖTV member and district secretary of the SPD Western Westphalia, SPD-MdL NRW 1946-1947, 1949-1954 and 1957-1958.
44 - Ernst Gnoss (1900 - 1949), typesetter, member of the SPD since 1918, from 1924 youth and education secretary of the SAJ and the SPD on the Lower Rhine, 1933 party secretary in Essen, arrested in 1935 for illegal political activity and sentenced to 4 years in prison, In 1939 he worked again as a typesetter, in 1944 he was obliged to work in a work company. 1945 substantial involvement in the development of the SPD in the Niederrhein district, 1946-1949 SPD-MdL NRW, 1948-1949 Minister for Reconstruction in NRW.
45 - Hans Braunholz (born 1884), plasterer, employed by the SPD from 1919, various communal functions in the city and district of Eschwege from 1921 onwards, from 1934 self-employed businessman, 1945/46 SPD district party secretary.
46 - Franz Höhne (1904 - 1980), machine fitter, member of the SPD and trade union since 1922, sentenced to 2 1/2 years in prison in 1934 for illegal political activity, after imprisonment until 1938 Dachau concentration camp, after July 20, 1944, three weeks in Flossenbürg concentration camp . 1945 ff. SPD district secretary Niederbayern-Oberpfalz, 1955-1968 chairman of this district, 1949-1969 SPD member of the Bundestag.
47 - Julius Loßmann: See SM 79/80, Oct./Nov. 1945, note 10.
48 - It is about Wilhelm Keller, who is referred to in a publication on the Würzburg SPD after the Second World War as "former party secretary". More could not be determined.
49 - No biographical information could be found on Hans Roith. (Possibly it is: Christian Roith (1905-1969), see "Bayr. Landtag - Chronik" by JP Koch or Friedrich Roith (1893-1976), an old social democrat who was sent to the Nazi concentration camp in Dachau in 1933 , 1945 was appointed by the Americans to the district administrator of Miesbach and later devoted himself as "father of the persecuted social democrats" to the interests of thousands of fellow sufferers and fate.)
50 - Emil Bettgenhäuser (1906-1982), miner, from 1921 member of the miners' association, from 1927 in the SPD, unemployed 1930-1934, soldier 1940-1945. 1945 Director of the Koblenz employment office, from 1946 District Secretary Rhineland / Hessen-Nassau, member of the Advisory State Assembly Rhineland-Palatinate 1946/1947, SPD-MdL Rhineland-Palatinate 1947-1949, 1949-1961 Member of the Bundestag, 1959-1972 First Mayor (i.e. OB- Deputy) in Koblenz.
51 - Alfred Freitag (d. 1995), carpenter, member of the SPD and trade union since the turn of the century, since 1920 and then again after 1945 district secretary of the SPD Rheinhessen. 1945 ff. SPD member of the Mainz city parliament.
52 - Franz Glaube (born 1895), before 1935 travel agent for the social democratic newspaper "Volksstimme" (Saarbrücken), member of the last Saarbrücken subdistrict committee of the SPD / Saar, 1935 emigrated to France, interned in 1939/1940, then joined the Resistance in southern France . 1946 return to the Saar area, there social democratic district secretary (SPS), dismissed from this position in 1946 due to controversies about the foreign policy course of the SPS, later administrative director of a hospital in Völklingen.
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