Why is fascism seen as the right wing
Deception maneuver "wing" resolution : "The AfD leadership lacks the power to separate from Höcke"
Andreas Kemper (56) is a German publicist and sociologist. He has been researching anti-democratic tendencies in the AfD for years. Between 2014 and 2016, Kemper came to the conclusion in various publications that the AfD politician Björn Höcke had published texts under the pseudonym Landolf Ladig in the NPD-related media that were "bluntly glorifying NS".
Mr Kemper, the right-wing extremist “wing” in the AfD supposedly wants to shut down its structures. What does that mean?
I do not expect that structures will really be shut down. Perhaps the label “wings” will disappear or be changed, perhaps a Facebook presence will be deleted. But there will be more meetings. People will almost certainly organize themselves in a very similar way as before. The networks remain.
The right-wing extremist ideology as a core component of the AfD is spreading further. Anyone who now assumes that something will be resolved is sitting on a fake. It's just a see-through maneuver.
Spokesmen of the "wing" like Björn Höcke and Andreas Kalbitz remain high-ranking party officials. Does the constitution protection have to monitor the AfD as a whole?
The "wing" has become a case of observation because Höcke and Kalbitz were clearly identified by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution for what they are: right-wing extremists. Kalbitz is a federal board member of the AfD, Höcke was unanimously re-elected as parliamentary leader in Thuringia in October 2019, previously in November 2018 with 81 percent as state leader - and that with his fascist program.
Both belong to the fascist "wing" of the party. But also many of the members and functionaries who formally do not belong to this “wing” are clearly anti-democratic. The AfD should have been a case of observation for the secret service long ago.
Even if the “wing” might soon no longer call itself that: Will Höcke, Kalbitz & Co. soon set the tone in the AfD even more than now?
I refer to the interview that Höcke gave to the “Secession” on Saturday - namely Götz Kubitschek. Kubitschek is one of the designers of the "wing". There the term "historicization" of the "wing" was used. So it is almost already announced: The "wing" wants to continue, just not use the label anymore.
Höcke and his colleagues want to transfer what made the "wing" into "a new phase". What was identified as right-wing extremism by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution, fascism, will be expanded further. Höcke himself wants the term “fascism” no longer to be used for his politics today; it should only be used for the Nazi era. That means, he also historicizes the term “fascism”. He now historizes the term “wing” almost congruently. Höcke and Kalbitz are anything but disempowered.
On Facebook, the "wing" denied on Saturday evening that the resolution requested by the AfD federal board on Friday had been resolved. What exactly is going on right now?
The decision of the federal executive committee is: self-dissolution of the "wing" by the end of April. I haven't read anything about the consequences if this doesn't happen. So they are unclear. Höcke finds the decision of the federal board nonsensical anyway. He says that a step has been taken and that “an impulse is needed that points beyond the 'wing' and emphasizes the unity of the party”.
So these people are continuing their "wing" policy without using the term. Just as they continue to pursue a fascist policy without using the word "fascism". When Höcke speaks of “historicization”, he actually means modernization.
Is the AfD federal board decision primarily tactically motivated to avoid observation of the entire party by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution? Jörg Meuthen previously called the “wing” an “integral part of the party”, while his deputy Beatrix von Storch spoke of an “important current within the party”.
What the board is doing now is all tactic. Meuthen, von Storch too, nor the other leaders have the strength to throw the fascists out of the party. There are just too many, around 40 percent of the members. It is a question of power.
And there, Höcke, Kalbitz & Co. sit on the longer lever. So far, every time members of the AfD have tried to kick Höcke out, they have to leave themselves. That was the case with Bernd Lucke and Hans-Olaf Henkel, then with Frauke Petry and Marcus Pretzell. That is why Alice Weidel, for example, decided not to take action against Höcke any more.
So would the demarcation from right-wing extremist activities only be credible if the party now resumes the party exclusion proceedings against Höcke?
Exactly. The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution firmly said: Höcke is a right-wing extremist, as is Kalbitz. Point. The AfD's statutes contain an incompatibility resolution, according to which both should actually be kicked out because they are members of a group that is being monitored by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution.
That is the spirit of the statutes as they were decided by Lucke and Henkel. Meuthen, Weidel, Alexander Gauland and the others do not implement that. You do not take action against right-wing extremism because the right-wing extremists have long had the party in their hands.
The AfD honorary chairman Gauland has located Höcke in the middle of the party.
Gauland always put his protective hand over Höcke as soon as things got a bit tricky. But Gauland is no longer important. The "wing" is so strong that Höcke, Kalbitz and all the other fascists in the AfD no longer need a Gauland.
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